In our previous discussion,
we have seen how for Xunzi,
ethical self-cultivation through education,
and especially through training,
and immersion in ritual and music,
must also find application in the political arena.
Like Mencius, Xunzi also distinguishes the way of the true king,
from that of the mere ruler who relies on force in government in exacting compliance.
But, unlike Mencius, we can perhaps also
detect a stronger utilitarian strain in Xunzi's thinking.
While the ideal government of course should be ruled by
a sage-king who is profound in both virtue and
learning, the value of laws and policies that yield concrete results nevertheless,
should not be underestimated.
Now several books were essays in the Xunzi are devoted to
political philosophy, especially from book nine
to book sixteen and I would encourage you to take a look at these essays.
Book nine for example,
is on the governance of the true king,
and book fourteen focuses on attracting worthy talent into public service,
and book fifteen just to cite one more example focuses on military affairs.
We won't be able to discuss Xunzi's political philosophy in any detail,
but let me just outline some of the main topics he addresses in these essays.
Now they may sound commonplace today,
but in ancient China over 2000 years ago,
they were significant innovations.
First, fair distribution of land.
Now understandably, this is important given that early China was an agrarian society.
Two, efficient system of transportation.
This too is emphasised so that everyone would
have access to grain and other foodstuffs especially.
Three, light taxation.
Taxes must not be used of course to satisfy the ruler's selfish desires.
Four, compulsory public service must similarly not be excessive or arbitrary.
Five, the environment must be protected.
Now Xunzi is in agreement with Mencius on this point.
Xunzi also strongly criticised overfishing and overlogging,
and recommended that the forests should only be opened for
logging during specific prescribed periods every year.
Six, attract able scholars to serve in government.
Now this is very important.
Meritocracy is strongly emphasised in
Xunzi's political philosophy as a key to good government by the true king.
Seven, rewards and punishments should be given out fairly.
That is to say, reward should be given to
those who contribute to the well-being of the state,
and punishment should be directed against the violent and unrepentant criminals.
Here Xunzi emphasises that the true kings should minimise the use of harsh punishment,
and try to reform society by means of virtue and education.
Eight, war may be necessary,
but the cause must be just.
This is the argument that Xunzi puts forward very
forcefully in the essay devoted to warfare.
And in that essay, he also took issue with the military strategists at
that time who argue that climate and topography,
surprise tactics, and other subtle schemes are critical to military success.
For Xunzi on the other hand,
the most important element in the art of
warfare is the morale of the troops and the people.
And morale would be low if the cause were not just,
or if the people and soldiers were not treated fairly,
and with kindness, and dignity, and respect.
Last but not least,
institutionalisation of ritual and music
figures centrally in Xunzi's political philosophy.
And here, instead of appealing to the legendary institutions of high antiquity,
Xunzi actually favours the more recent developments, what he calls,
"The Way of the Later Kings," which refers especially to the leaders of the Zhou dynasty.
The records of the Zhou are much fuller,
and so they afford a much clearer view of the footprints of the sage kings.
I think there is a more modernist approach shall we say in Xunzi's political thinking,
as opposed to those Confucians scholars who fought to preserve ancient traditions.
Well, I suppose this is a matter of degree although it
is quite noticeable in Xunzi's writings.
These viewpoints are not exhaustive,
but they should I hope suffice to give a sense that as Confucian philosophy developed,
a greater attention was given to concrete political measures and real policies.
To respond to rival teachings may be one important reason,
but this also shows that Confucian scholars
were increasingly at the center of politics in early China.
Now to conclude our discussion of Xunzi,
I would like to turn briefly to Xunzi's conception of Heaven.
And this is because Xunzi is often said to have
developed a more naturalistic view of Heaven,
and is important to understand what that means.
It is correct to say that Xunzi's emphasis is on the ability of
human beings to overcome the flaws inherent in human nature,
and the responsibility of human beings to
broaden the way to bring peace and order to society.
The doctrine of Heaven's Mandate which you recall plays an important role in the Analects,
and also in Mencius interpretation of Confucian
philosophy is in fact quite muted in the Xunzi.
And he is also highly critical of any attempt to divine the will of Heaven.
But, we would be pushing it I think,
if we take this to mean that religiosity plays no part in Xunzi's philosophy.
Heaven remained the perceived ultimate source of value and order,
even if human beings are now seen to have a much larger role to play.
Book seventeen of the Xunzi is entitled,
"Discourse on Heaven."
And it may be helpful to outline its main argument here.
In this essay, Xunzi first of all emphasises
the constancy and impartiality of the way of Heaven.
Heaven's way is constant.
The essay begins by saying,
"It does not exist for the sake of the sage-king,
nor does it cease to exist because of the tyrant.
Whether society prospers or declines would depend on how human beings
respond to the constant way of Heaven on whether we are able to bring order to society."
Addressing the ruler especially, Xunzi says,
"If we build up agriculture and the economy as a whole carefully,
and do not waste precious resources, even floods
and drought will not bring about famine.
Conversely, if we do not work to produce,
but indulge in wasteful extravagance,
then even favourable natural conditions will not prevent suffering."
The point of course is that we should not rely on Heaven for blessings,
nor should we be fearful of natural hazards,
or unusual celestial phenomena like eclipses.
Rather, the ruler should concentrate on cultivating
the fundamentals which brings ethical excellence,
some policies, injustice and harmony into unison in governance.
The constancy and impartiality of Heaven's way also
means that there is no point in trying to divine the will of Heaven,
or to propitiate heaven through prayers and special rituals.
Society is based on distinctions and division of labour.
The same principle applies to
the relationship between Heaven and a world of human beings.
Knowing heaven then means recognising the workings of nature,
and concentrating on accomplishing the responsibilities of human beings.
There are no special signs or records to read,
no spirits to please,
but there is plenty of work to make sure that
the bounties of nature are exploited judiciously,
and the fabric of society is not torn apart by selfish desire.
Here Xunzi says, "Heaven has its seasons,
Earth has his riches,
human beings have their proper work of governing and managing society.
And this is why it is said human beings can
form with heaven and earth a triad or troika."
This last part is a saying that is well attested in early Confucian literature,
and this is how Xunzi has understood it.
It is also interesting to note I think,
that Xunzi at times describes the great sage as being quiet,
tranquil, and empty of desire.
In view of this,
many commentators have actually come to see
a certain Daoist dimension in the Xunzi's Confucian philosophy.
This kind of labelling along school lines in my view,
usually is not very helpful.
What we need to keep in mind is that the conception of the sage,
the perfect individual who is truly fit to be
a king follows directly from the conception of Heaven,
and the perceived distinction between Heaven and the roles,
and responsibilities of human beings.
If we see Heaven as a wilful spirit,
an active agent constantly intervening in human affairs,
divining Heaven's will, and performing
sacrifices to gain Heaven's favour will then be very important.
No question about that. In Xunzi's conception however,
this is not the case.
And the constancy of heaven should also apply to our understanding of the sage.
The government of the sage-king in other words,
is also marked by constancy and impartiality.
There is a simplicity in how the sage-king lives and
conducts his affairs without any trace of artificiality.
When desire is no longer a controlling factor in the life of the heart,
naturally, tranquillity and calmness will follow.
And in the final analysis,
the important point is that human beings form a part of a larger whole,
endowed with certain propensities that are not
naturally conducive to peaceful coexistence.
Human beings are nevertheless also endowed with the gift of intelligence and a capacity
to change with learning and immersion in Li or Proper Conduct in everything one does.
Human beings can rise above their inborn nature,
and create a peaceful community that also takes care of the well-being of the planet.
Xunzi's interpretation of Confucian philosophy was
highly influential in the few centuries after his death,
throughout the entire Han Dynasty.
However, the subsequent development of Confucian philosophy
became more complex especially with the introduction of Buddhism from India,
and the rise of Daoism as an institutionalised religion.
In the end, it was Mencius' view of human nature that
captured the imagination of Confucian scholars.
When we come back, we'll sketch very briefly this development,
and introduce the reformulation of Confucian philosophy in medieval China.
Alan K. L. ChanToh Puan Mahani Idris Daim Chair Professor of Humanities & Dean
