[MUSIC] Welcome to the video cyclists' careers and doping. This video has two objectives. The first is to understand doping as a particular culture of performance production. This culture has a temporal dimension that we shall approach through the concept of career. The second is to understand the various evolutions of cycling culture in relationship to doping. In the last video, we talked about young cyclists' socialization. And we showed that different teams have different ways of training and supervising their team members. As we shall see, this is also true of professional teams. Cultures espoused by cyclists within their teams can vary. To become a part of a team to race, to train are all elements of learning processes that can be described as a career. I will be referring to the concept of career as used by sociologist Howard Becker who studied deviance notability on smokers of cannabis. Doping can be considered has a kind of deviance. Has a substance using cyclist has shied away from athletic norms in the league in sense. But just like delinquency, deviance is a result of a process which can be understood as a career, just like the delinquent the cyclist learns several thing. First they learn that deviant activity doping requires no how. Cyclists' learn expertise on substances. So process can stop joins the socialization of young cyclists and continue in several stages. Parallel to this and this is important, so representation of whether cyclists' shall consist of also undergo transformation. Cyclists not only learn to use substances but a shift in their interpretation of substance use also occurs. Doping is normalized and cyclists learn to interpret the identity of substance users differently. Here too, normalization happens in stages. Instead of this negative image of an outsider, [INAUDIBLE] exterior to the world of cycling may have knowing how to do substances progressively becomes a technique and and expertise. It becomes part of the job, and can even be valued or could at least until 1998. Which means that substance users don't have a negative image of doping nor of their identity as a professional athlete for that matter. It is this double, often simultaneous, process of change in practices and shift in representations, that we will take a look at now. In the 1990s, the deviant career of certain cyclists who were becoming professionals was progress being put together through different steps of changes and practices and representations. In sport's clubs, cyclists learned to train. This training transformed their bodies, their body was rationalized. For instance, if folds were planned and cyclists also learned resistance to pain. In clubs, some also learn to take ordinary pharmacologists. The use of pharmacology was also systematic up until 2000. Today there is a great diversity in practices. As we saw in the last video, so the video before of module two, teams who have strong supervision do not tolerate pharmacologists. But in the 90s, learning to be a cyclist also meant being initiated to doping. It happens through a culture of complicity and connivance. When Christian, a professional cyclist was interviewed in the 90s, he explained that everybody knows, everybody knows because it is the general atmosphere and people laugh about it. And when did we talk about this on our badge at the hotel the night before the race, sure it was an open discussion, it was not special, it was always in cycling you talk about three things. As I always say, highly competitive sports are about three things sex, food, drugs. The connivance explains why they would sometimes party together by taking some amphetamines for example. This banilization of substances creates a shifting representations and removed obstacles that might prevent substance use. Representations or practices change simultaneously. However, it can be said that a shift in representations helps change practices by making the use of pharmacologist more ordinary. Bernard, a professional cyclist interviewed in the 90s. Told us that one cyclist has many other cyclists and needles before him said to me one day. Listen, you've got to look after yourself, and since it was probably the 100th time I had heard this, I must have answered something like it's all very well. Everybody keeps saying that, but nobody told me what to take. He answered something like well, you could take some steroids, and he gave them to me. Bernard's case shows us how representations are changed by the surrounding culture, making the use of steroids acceptable and even positive in the 90s. More experience cyclists play a role in this normalization. Igor said, there were all the cyclists who took care of us and jokingly would more or less tell us to go see such a doctor. Guys who would urge us struggle sometimes and say, well when I was your age, I knew what to take. This advice is backed up by new bodily experiences. Damien said that the sensations were exceptional. All of the sudden, a sensation I have never felt ever again. Maybe because it was the first time. I was invulnerable. 30 seconds later I was invulnerable. I got to the car and kissed the guy. I was so happy. It was awesome. Like's deviance described by Howard Becker. Cyclists practices progressively change and the representations shift with their experiences during their career. Substance use becomes no more. Herve, a professional cyclist explained, we will carry around our thermoses full of EPO. When we went abroad, we never imagined that there would be a red. And if doping is no longer a problem it is because first, cyclist's representation of health related to substance use have changed. Second, cyclists believe that everybody uses substances. So they feel great sensations. Fourth, because physicians and leaders have incited them to. But some experiences can also curb substance use. Pascal, a cyclist in the 90s was frightened when taking EPO. When it happened, it really hit home, it was over. You realize that you didn't see it coming, you felt like a super human. You were 120 pulses a minute. You felt like you shouldn't go to bed. What the hell? That was it. It doesn't mean that I quit. These negative experiences can also lead to a change in career. Some refuse substance used afterwards or at least limited. This was also true in the 90s. But many positive experiences at the beginning confer a feeling of efficiency. But one cannot think of substance use in 2015 using only observations taken from the 1990s. It is always difficult to have an overview on doping because these practices especially today, are kept hidden. One can say that the fight against doping for numerous scandals and the work of certain teams and people has had an effect. First, because this organization is no longer visible. Professional teams no longer distribute doping substances like they used to be able to in the 90s. Second, one can postulate that there are great differences between teams. We saw in the last video that certain young teams are at risk because they do not supervise the cyclists enough. The same can be observed in professional teams. Third, monitoring as well as socialization and learning processes depend on the type of team. Certain teams test cyclists a lot. And within them, a cyclist carrier is no longer a deviant to them. Training is monitored daily by coaches who seem to be opposed to doping with technologies that tell how is quick identification of a typical progression. All the teams which are rarer in 2015 still function with all attitudes towards doping which normalize it but do not necessarily organize it. So poor man's doping is done the old way without medical or team support. This form of doping is linked to a lack of supervision of the cyclists. Cyclists left alone can where anti-doping testing is inefficient, can dabble in substance use to keep their jobs in cycling. There is also the rich man's doping. There are teams who organize doping more discreetly. This is expensive because it requires skills and a good infrastructure. But outside of these two types of doping, there are teams making real efforts to avoid the normalization of doping within professional careers. These things monitor the cyclists properly and even if they are not completely sheltered from other related cases of substance use, risks are reduced. In conclusion, doping must be considered as something that is learned throughout a career. This explains how people who were against doping begin to use substances as they learn to become professional cyclists. It is also because they learn to normalize doping that people do not find it difficult to consider substance use as part of their sport. But there are several pitfalls to avoid who has not to systematically associate cycling and doping. First, one must avoid not paying attention to the diversity of learning process within young cyclist' socialization. Second, one must avoid not taking to account a diversity of professional teams. Finally, one must avoid a third mistake, that is to believe that such cultures are easily changed. There is a certain inertia. Not all teams change, not all of them possess the mental and cultural condition to be able to. But this also means that a cycling team as an organization has a significant role to play in terms of fostering careers that do not encourage substance use. This is what we shall look at in the last module. Thank you for watching. [MUSIC]
