حول هذه المادة التدريسية لكي نفسّر كيف أن العولمة تعيد بناء السياسات العامة والسلوكيات الاجتماعية، ندرس التبادلات والتفاعلات بين مختلف الجهات الفاعلة السياسية والاقتصادية، والاجتماعية - العامة أو الخاصة، الفردية أو الجماعية- والطريقة التي تعيد فيها صياغة العلاقات الدولية. هذه المادة التدريسية تعتمد على المقاربات السوسيولوجية والتاريخية الفرنسية العائدة للعلاقات الدولية. وهي متوفرة أيضاً في نسخة باللغة الإنجليزية (www.coursera.org/learn/global-studies)، وأخرى باللغة الفرنسية (www.coursera.org/learn/espace-mondial-fr)
قوة القوة العاجزة
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From the course by Sciences Po
"Espace mondial" الرؤية الفرنسية للدراسات العالمية
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From the lesson
القوة
هل لا يزال للسلطة معنى وفعالية ؟
Meet the Instructors
Bertrand BadieProfessor
Marie-Françoise DurandProfessor
Jana JabbourLecturer
[MUSIC]
Is power still powerful?
That's a question, if we take into account our present world,
economic crises difficult to define good solutions and
efficient solutions to the economy crisis.
Is power powerful?
American defeat in Vietnam.
In Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya.
Is power powerful?
Deadlocked in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Is power powerful?
All these issues are clearly demonstrating
that power is not really adapted to our present world.
Or more exactly the traditional vision of power is no
more adapted to the new condition of a global order.
We have to admit that power experienced
many transformations and
has to face new adaptations which were rather difficult.
Let's have a look on how recent history
stakes were drawn in the international
arena by peoples and societies.
Society's social actors are more and more present in the international arena.
Is power, powerful?
When it has to face societies as it was when you had to face on the other States.
The traditional vision of power is perfectly adopted
to an inter State competition.
But is it adapted to competition between state and
societies, between state actors and non state actors.
Second transformation, the rising role of countries.
The traditional role in international arena during the 19th century,
but also the later part of the 20th century,
was a mono-cultural arena in which all the main actors were sharing the same culture.
What about this new international arena,
in which different actors coming from different cultures are competing?
Is then the traditional power so fruitful, and
so efficient, so powerful that it was previously?
Now third transformation, the proliferation of states when UN was
created in 1945 it was created by 51 states.
Now there are 193 states in UN.
Is it possible to use power when such
a proliferation created micro state for
which the competition didn't have the same meaning.
Is power now working when bipolarity has collapsed.
Bipolarity was supporting that traditional vision of power.
Bipolarity was structured around two major powers,
two super powers, US and USSR.
Now bipolarity is over, we are in a post bipolar world.
And in this post bipolar world it's very hard, difficult.
First to find a new hierarchy of powers but
also to define the rule of a clear
competition between states which are so different.
And overall power had to face
the globalization as a new world order.
And globalization is questioning the traditional concept of power.
First, because globalization introduced interdependence.
Interdependence is playing a major role in international relations,
and is even the substitute to sovereignty.
Sovereignty was holding a very clear power competition but
what about interdependence?
When states are more and more interdependent, the economic level but
also at the cultural level, but also at the social level,
what power is able to do?
That's a question.
What are the statues of power in the world of interdependence?
Is power still acting when states are so
interplaying with such a density,
is power still powerful when sovereignty is decreasing?
Is power still powerful when coercion is less and
less efficient, as we can observe for instance about the sanctions?
When sanctions are taken by powerful states these
sanctions are playing against those who are deciding them.
What about power?
When we are to face an increasing number of actors.
The status of power is clear when you have a small number of competing actors.
But what about now when we have not only 193
state actors, but when we have potentially
7 billion individuals playing in the international arena.
Is power powerful when it has to face individuals and social actors?
And what about power facing the new way of communication,
the new instrument of communication.
The new technology in which individuals
are able to get in touch with each other and
so are able to structure a new kind of social and
international social relations.
Power is probably not adapted in it's traditional
version to face these new kind of situation.
And the real case question is what about power in
a world in which states have no more the monopoly of the international function.
Ladies and gentlemen, four of these very high,
but underestimated transformations.
First, media power is more and more powerless.
We caught all of that during the Decolonization War when France was
defeated by the small Vietnamese army in Dien Ben Fu.
But US experienced the same when
US was defeated in 1975 in Vietnam.
But the same for Somalia, the same for Afghanistan, the same for Iraq.
And so on, the same for Libya.
Is military power adapted to this new conditions, probably not.
The second question is is soft power clear and efficient of state hood.
When US was defeated in Vietnam some American like
Joseph Nigh, and Robert Hughing elaborated the concept of soft power.
And established the hypothesis that when hard power
is no more working soft power can be considered as a substitute.
Soft power is a strong power probably for
diffusing the dominant culture,
the cultural of the super power.
But the question is if you drink Coca Cola or
if you wear blue jeans do you for
these reasons support the American foreign policy?
The reality that there is transitivity between support you give
to a soft power and the support which is
expected in the field of diplomacy and foreign policy.
The third question is what about power in a world
in which protest is playing more and more Earth-central and a major role.
There are, in our present world, so many new protest diplomacies or
deviant diplomacies in which protesting the gains and
hegemony is much more important that proposing a new international order.
Is the traditional vision of power able to
face this new culture of international protest?
It's quite clear that it couldn't, and
so the real problem in our present and
global world is what hegemony now does mean?
Robert Gilpin and the Charles Kindleberger
elaborated the concept of a trembling stability in which they
put that, Germany was the only way for ordering An interdependent world.
That was probably true during the 20th century, but
is it so clear and obvious by now?
That's the problem.
Is Germany now a stabilizer or
is Germany destabilizing the world?
That's to say first Germany is not able to work.
And it's failing, but the second point
is that when Germany is too much evident,
is too much visible, the risk is high that
this Germany creates instability, protest,
conflict, tensions into Americanism and war.
That's why the Obama administration moved to another concept.
The famous concept of smart power.
In which hard power is considered to be restricted,
to be limited and to be mixed with very cautious use of soft power.
This concept of smart power leads to the idea of
a light footprint the super power is supposed
now to leave only a light footprint on the international order.
And to the concept of leadership from behind, leading from behind, that's
to say to be much less ambitious in the definition of the new international order.
That is clearly revising conception of a Germany in
which a Germany is lessened, in which a Germany is questioned,
in which a Germany is challenged, and
in which we have to reconsider the real capacity of power.
[MUSIC]
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