This part of the lesson explores examples of communities who engage in Indigenous resistance through grassroots movements. A grassroots movement can be a community driven effort aimed at bringing attention to social issues. They begin at a local level with a few passionate volunteers and sometimes they gain national or international attention. This notion of a grassroots resistance may involve following one's own Indigenous legal orders and cultural approaches when dealing with political or social conflicts. For instance, the lands where the Apache Corporation planned to install the Pacific Trails Pipeline in 2012, was on a group of First Nations unceded territories. In this case, Chief Toghestiy of the Wet'suwet'en intervened by offering an eagle feather to the crew leader of the Can-Am Geomatics Company, telling them to leave. This act of giving an eagle feather, a peaceful warning to the trespassers, is a practice of the Wet'suwet'en law. In doing this, Chief Toghestiy was following Bi Kyi Wa'at'en, which is a specific Wet'suwet'en Inuk nu'ot'en, or law, where it is the husband's duty to protect his wife's territory as this is seen as her sovereign territory. In an effort to stop pipelines from being developed on Indigenous peoples’ traditional lands, many have engaged in this type of grassroots resistance. The five clans that are within the Wet'suwet'en Nation are meant to manage and protect the lands in order to ensure that future generations will have a healthy and well sustained environment. The Unist'ot'en camp creates a resistance community that has a mandate to serve and watch over the lands of the Wet'suwet'en. In 2012 they were able to block off the Apache Corporation from building the pipeline with the communication between Unist'ot'en and Wet'suwet'en. In the end, Unist'ot'en built an actual community right in the area of interest for the pipeline companies as another tactic of prevention. In 1990, an Indigenous grassroots movement took root in Quebec that quickly took centerstage on newscasts throughout the country and became known as the Oka Crisis. The Oka Crisis involved forceful and armed tensions among members of the Mohawk Nation or Kanien’keha:ka, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Canadian army. The catalyst for the crisis was the announcement of a golf course development by the mayor of Oka, Quebec. The plan included the expansion of the golf course and construction of a residential area on Mohawk reserve land which was approved without consultation or consent of the Kanien’keha:ka. The site in question was a part of a long standing land claim that encompassed a Kanien’keha:ka burial site. This site had been a controversial topic for decades. In 1961, before the first nine holes of the golf course were built, the Mohawk people had fought unsuccessfully to stop it. In 1989, when the expansion plan was first announced it brought back bad memories for the Mohawk. This spurred the Kanien’keha:ka to set up a small protest camp on the area of the property known as The Pines during the spring of 1990. The group of protesters began to grow, but even though their concerns were echoed by both the Minister of the Environment and the Minister of Indian Affairs, construction was scheduled to begin. The Mohawk decided enough was enough, and launched a more vocal protest as well as setting up a blockade to the property. People took notice because development was being threatened, and delays were costing people money. Lines were drawn in the sand, people took sides and suddenly a crisis was born that would have major political repercussions. As the Oka Crisis grew in intensity, the Mohawk were supported by members of two other reserves, the Kahnawake and Akwesasne. After two court injunctions failed to persuade the protesters to remove the blockade, police were called in. On July 11th, 1990, tear gas and concussion grenades were employed and gunfire was exchanged. A police officer was killed compelling the police to retreat. The resistance grew and became increasingly hostile when members of the nearby Kahnawake reserve blockaded the Mercier Bridge in support. The blockade had two major impacts. One, access to Montreal was cut off from the southern suburbs, making it difficult to get around. And two, food trucks and basic supplies were not getting to the protesters. Though the Mohawk had non-Indigenous supporters, tensions continued to grow from others who did not support them. Many people blamed government and police for the trouble. Eventually, through negotiations, the Mercier Bridge was reopened, but residents attempting to leave the reserve area were treated with hostility. John Ciaccia, the Quebec Minister of Native Affairs at the time, supported the Mohawk, but the mayor of Oka did not heed his suggestions. Demonstrations took place across the country in support of the Mohawk, the upside being an increased awareness of the plight of Indigenous peoples with respect to land and treaty rights. The end result of this conflict went in favour of the Mohawk. The expansion plans were cancelled and the federal government agreed to buy the land and give it to the Mohawk. What makes this Indigenous protests fall under the lines of a grassroots movement was that it called upon the Kanien’keha:ka clan mothers to intervene on the front lines of the protest. This movement relied upon the traditional matriarchal system to mobilize and organize. The threat of the construction on their traditional territory called on the Kanien’keha:ka's traditional practice of women taking care of the community. The significance of the women Elders’ participation is an act of fulfilling their responsibility as clan mothers who look after the entire community. Other members of the Kahnawake and Akwesasne joined in on the protest, establishing this as a community of resistance. The local police were unable to dislodge the Mohawk because of the presence of the Mohawk Warrior Society. The seriousness of the Oka confrontation was intensified when the Canadian Army deployed. What began as an active resistance by the Mohawk became a nationwide story. This was about much more than a golf course. Indigenous people had been denied the land over and over again since first contact. A lot of promises had been broken and no respect had been given to the people to whom the land rightfully belonged. One of the outcomes of the Oka crisis was a sweeping Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples which conducted intensive research and reported in 1996. These examples of grassroots movements involve the practice of Indigenous peoples ways of dealing with conflicts and disputes. Each one shows how members of a specific tribal nation, clan, and neighbours of surrounding traditional territory form a community of resistance. It demonstrates the allegiance of Indigenous peoples to prevent the further dispossession of lands, sending the direct message that they are not up for grabs. The next section examines Idle No More, the Grassroots movement in 2012, that gained international attention, revealing the state and extractive industry’s exploitation of Indigenous peoples traditional lands. The Idle No More movement was born on November 10th, 2012, when four women from Saskatchewan decided it was time to act. The specific event that prompted them was the introduction of Bill C-45 which contains several troubling provisions. Jessica Gordon, Sheela McLean, Sylvia McAdam and Nina Wilson, tired of existing within government sanctioned structures that continued to restrict the sovereignty and rights of all Indigenous peoples decided to take a stand. They wanted Indigenous lands to be protected. They knew that someone needed to step up or soon there would be nothing left to save. They wanted to reframe the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. They wanted to exert pressure on the government, raise awareness of inequalities across the country, and most importantly retain and strengthen their cultural values. The impact of colonization on Indigenous cultures has been immeasurable. Idle No More is as much a movement for social justice as for political equity. As we will see, the issues concerned amendments to three major acts. The Indian Act, the Navigation Protection Act, and the Environmental Assessment Act. At first glance, Bill C-45 would not appear to be all that controversial, but when you dive in and really look at the implications of the specific amendments, there are major areas of concern that really catapulted Idle No More into action. The first focuses on changes to the Indian Act. A proposed change to the guidelines around voting to lease designated reserve lands was very controversial. This shift changed from a double majority rule, meaning if there is not a majority vote of members at a first vote, then a public notice needs to be posted in the community. A vote by the people in attendance happens at the second meeting, and only a majority vote of those in attendance is needed. Any unilateral amendments to the Indian Act, specifically these changes without any consultation from Indigenous peoples, would leave existing treaties and Indigenous rights in a vulnerable and perilous position. Another important change was to the Navigation Protection Act. Contrary to what it sounds like, protection of waterways, major pipeline and power line project advocates would no longer be required to show proof that their projects wouldn't cause harm or destruction to a navigable waterway, unless that waterway is on a list prepared by the Transportation Minister. Idle No More claims the change leaves 99.9% of lakes and rivers in Canada without that necessary protection, exposing this precious resource to the risk of contamination. Thirdly, the Environmental Assessment Act had an amendment that would speed up the approval process for projects by significantly reducing the number of projects that would require environmental assessment. Obviously these changes had the potential to cause a great deal of impact on Indigenous lands and the environment. Year after year, Government changes to laws and policies reinforced the notion that Indigenous rights had no meaning or value. Jessica Gordon, Sheela McLean, Sylvia McAdam and Nina Wilson stood up and were heard. They did not stand idly by and let others control the agenda. As they stood, others stood with them, drawing national attention. With a strong will, a grassroots social movement was created to draw attention to the plight of the Indigenous, as well as the common threat to Canada's natural wonders.
