For our next lesson for this week, the changing and changed structure of Korean families will be examined. In South Korea, the crisis of the family and low birth rates have been important themes over various social agendas since 1990s. For one, family structure has become simpler. The graph on my right shows 1 generation family in blue, 2 generation in orange, 3 in gray, and 4 in yellow. Here, the number of couples without a child increased to 23%, while the nuclear family is in decline. Three or more multi-generation families consists less than 10% of families in Korea. One of the reasons behind this trend is the changed views on what marriage and family is. In the old times, Korea was once called ‘the Marrying Country’ by those visiting the country in the late 19th century or the early 20th century. And please refer to Laurel Kendall's book for understanding the traditional and contemporary Korean society and its view on marriage. In the eyes of foreign missionaries and travelers, marriage in the old Korean system was almost as certain as death. According to them, there's not one spinster in the entire kingdom. A seven-year-old boy would marry following his parents’ wishes and everything from hairstyle to social position would change with marriage. For men, marriage was the only rite of passage into the adulthood. Marriage changed individual and families' social position and reputation. It was one of the most important events for the whole village and family. The only way for man to fulfill their duty of filial piety was through having sons, who would succeed a patrilineal family descent. Women were not exempt from this responsibility of marriage. Once they passed the proper age for marriage, they were often heavily criticized and mocked at or become victims of rumors that explained their inability to marry. Those who were married but did not or could not have children were also exposed to public condemnation. In the old Korean society, marriage functioned as a social mechanism that normalizes both men and women. However, the marriage as a natural rite of passage faced great shift after 1990s. As a case in point, there is the rise in the number of a singletons. According to the 2015 report by Korean Statistics Office, the single person household comprises 27.2% of total households in Korea. This means almost one out of three households in Korea is a single person household. Unlike the past, being single is becoming less of a stigma. While the trend is relatively still new, singletons in Korea are rather celebrated as being independent and self-appreciating. There are dramas and TV series about single lifestyles such as drinking, eating, traveling, and living alone. The trend can be read in statistics as well. More number of young Koreans choose to marry later than before. This graph, where women are indicated in blue and men in orange, shows the trend. In 1990s, women married around 25 years of age. However, after year 2000, both men and women began to marry late. Now, both are marrying around their early 30s. Not only are they marrying late, they are almost marrying less and unmarrying more. Number of marriages continues to show a downward trend, while number of divorces is sustained in high rate. While the trend may not be unfamiliar to today's young Koreans, it is indeed a new and unique one, considering the aforementioned tradition in Korean society. Why are young people unwilling to marry? More importantly, why are more women refusing to marry? One of the fundamental causes of conflict within the modern middle class households in Korea is the fixed gender role, which cannot reflect the realities of a dual income household. The traditional expectation imposed on women as the primary caregiver and education manager continues, regarded as women's economic participation as wage earners. After 1997 financial crisis, which Koreans often call ‘the IMF Crisis’, middle class men's material foundation to be the family breadwinner weakened. This led to a crisis in middle class nuclear families and an increase in divorce. Women's contribution in public economic realm began to be emphasized without the compromise or democratization in domestic division of labor. As we mentioned in the previous lesson, the role of Manager Moms imposed on women is full-time, or more like a 24-hour occupation. Despite a diverse capacity and aspirations of women in the Korean society, women's role is still evaluate by their motherhood. Modern Korean women are refusing this monotypical demand and evaluation of their society. These changes left women with not much choice. Women would delay marriage or childbirth to balance work and family or choose not to have not to marry for her career and economic independence. Women with higher educational backgrounds now put more priority in career than marriage. More women give birth late. The average age of mothers who experienced first births are 31 today, compared to 26.5 in 20 years ago. And fertility rate has dwindled to 1.24%, despite the Korean government's policies to encourage fertility and childbearing. 129 surveys that asked their reason behind not having more children, 48% of working mothers answered that economic burden for childcare and education is too great. While 33% answered that there is not enough facility for childcare. More and more women and men are delaying their marriage and childbirth, if not, rejecting the reproductive project as a whole. More women in all age groups are choosing against marriage. The Korean society places great importance in marriage. Despite modern Korea's growing trend of individualism, it is still one of the most pivotal events in the Korean society. This is why it is important to look into the changing family structure of Korea in relation to marriage.
