So we come to an end of part one of A New History for a New China. The four lectures that we have presented identify two salient structures, education and wealth. And two different processes, political categorization and political revolution. That differentiate the historical Chinese from the Western experience and contemporary China from the rest of the world. First, a government system of education in an examination produced the Chinese social elite or these in comparison with the historical Western elites. Were and are far more diverse and fluid in terms of their familial social origins. However, although the contemporary Chinese examination system in comparison with contemporary elite Western universities. Has created a veritable silent revolution in social mobility in China today. We've also seen that the examination curriculum in contemporary China has not done as well as in late Imperial China in terms of elite cultural transmission, and cultural reproduction. Second, a government system of categorical entitlement produced a distribution of wealth that at least in comparison with Western distribution was and is far more egalitarian. While both China and the West were characterized by the dominance of a small number of Have-A-Lots. China unlike the West has far fewer Have-Nots. In the United States, Have-Nots comprise almost a half, 40% of the population, in China they comprise perhaps one tenth or fewer. Third, the Chinese revolution in that regard is not a structural bottom up consequence of wealth inequality. But rather the top-down consequence of regime change led by the Chinese Communist Party. In China, political revolution created social revolution. Or revolutionaries may have evoked social circumstances to justify political revolution. There is little evidence that wealth inequality in and of itself created either a revolutionary situation or a revolutionary outcome. So then, the ironic conclusion is that of this history from below is that while our studies of big structures. Education, wealth, power and large processes from late imperial to contemporary times are important in identifying what is singular about Chinese history and China. They alone cannot explain historical change. Actors are still important. Ideas are still important. Politics, above all is still important. And it's the interaction of these histories with socio-economic history that explain and create our history. In part two of A New History for a New China, we will turn form socio- economic history to social demographic history. To ascertain the degree to which social stratification and even population composition in China today and in the past. Are also a consequence of social demographic as well as social economic processes. Specifically, we'll turn from a four week discussion of Who Gets What to a four week discussion of Who Survives. And by Who Survives, we mean a discussion of inequality and population behavior. Population behavior and human development, human development and social organization. And above all, social organization and social stratification. And as we shall see in part two, just as the construction and analysis of big social science data has led to a new understanding of Chinese social history. A similar scholarship of discovery, perhaps even a more robust scholarship of discovery has created a new understanding of Chinese society itself. I look forward to seeing you in part two. Thank you very much for your, your attendance in part one. [MUSIC].