After the tragic death of President Park Chung-hee, there was a panic throughout South Korea. He was mourned by majority of Korean citizens. Korean citizens really show their sorrow to the death of the President Park Chung-hee. And towards kinds of political vacuum after his death extends his rule words so central to Korean politics. He was the only man who knew the Korean. And there was a criminal investigation of S-S nation. because Kim Jae-kyu was caught. And he as detained. And he was incumbent head Korea Central Intelligence Agency. Eventually, Kim Jae-kyu was thinking about forming a coalition with General Jeong Seung-hwa and Chief of Staff of ROK Army, but that didn't work out. An officer investigation begun. At the time, commander of National Military Security Command was Major General Chun Doo-hwan. When Chun Doo-hwan was in charge of investigation, he began to suspect General Jeong Seung-hwa. But in fact, General Jeong was innocent. He was simply invited by Kim Jae-kyu to be in a place, at a time of SS Nation. But in the process of investigating the SS Nation, President Park Chung-hee. Chun Doo-hwan literally took over kinds of political and military power in the vacuum. And December 12, he staged mutiny because he began to arrest General Chung and other senior generals. Because at a time, the Korean politics was divided. Korean military politics was divided, because up until that time, the graduate of all military academy, were occupying important posts. Chun Doo-hwan was first class of new military academy, with four years training. Chun Doo-hwan staged mutiny by arresting Senior Generals who were alleged to be implicated in the assassination of Park Chung-hee. And then May 17th 1980 Chun Doo-hwan and his military folks forcefully took over military power. And as with 1960, 1980 was the year of people's changes and uncertainty. Most of all, there was very severe economic crisis, which was the inevitable result of heavy chemical drive by President Park Chung-hee. And there were miners, coal miners strikes and labor strikes and other other kinds of social unrest were widespread. And politics was also divided. Three Kims called Kim Dae Chun, Kim Yung Sam, Kim Don Pur, they're all running for their own political standing after this Park Chung-hee. Now people thought that the death of Park Chung-hee would bring about a democratic opening. Such anticipation Intensified into a politics power struggle among different factions. All this kind of things gave a good excuse for General Chun Doo-hwan to take over. He take over political power and formed [FOREIGN] nation salvation committee. And like in 1963, Park Chung-hee ruled the country through the supreme revolutionary council. Chun Doo-hwan ruled the country through the national salvation committee. And May 18th. Cities in protested, engaged in massive protests. It's called Gwangju uprising. General Chun repressed this Gwangju cities. It was cruel and repressive, as you can see in the photo. Some citizens were lined up to martial law forces. There was a heavy casualty, citizen casualty, in Gwangju. And May 18th's Gwangju uprising has become a constant reminder to the value of democracy. But General Chun just ignored the lessons of the Gwangju uprising. He just pushed for the consolidation of a popular power. And on October 27th of 1980 he undertook constitutional amendment and began the Fifth Republic on March 5th, 1981. And he, assumed the position of president of the Republic of Korea. It was very interesting strategy, okay? Even though he was a protegé of President Park Chung-hee. In fact, he belonged to office of president party. Despite this personal lineage to president Park Chung-hee, he distanced himself from Park. This kind of paradox of Chun was legitimacy building. First of all he began to restructure the heavy-chemical industrial sector which was very important because of Park Chung-hee. He and also he began to restructure chaebols big business come from it. A President Chun Doo-hwan left one the largest business conglomerate, the culture group, and go bankruptcy, okay. And he gave more emphasis and justice and equality as opposed to growth. Growth was a symbol and slogan for President Park Chung-hee. Meanwhile, Chun Doo-hwan regarded justice and equality most important principles of national government. But if you look at the Fifth Republic constitution, President's tenure were one-term seven years, okay? But there was kinds of reflection of, there was kinds of learning form in the Park Chung-hee period. Because if you look at the [FOREIGN] constitution, And the president Park could have become president for life. And there was very strong [INAUDIBLE] this content about those kinds of constitutional provision. That is why the fifth republic incorporate the citizen and limit the tenure president to seven year one term presidency. But general Chun Doo-hwan, although the pass was important domain, he was able to revive the economy. In 1985, Korean economy enjoyed one of the greatest economic refrom since the founding of nation. Then in 1987 his seven year one term passing where presidency coming to an end. And there was an internal debate which in the party, democratic justice party. And his supporters and outliers in the argued that there should be a constitutional amendment so that Chun Doo-hwan can have another third term at presidency. But civil society and opposition of the parties. And the students, whatever, they strongly opposed their kinds of constitutional amendment. They called for the preservation of the existing constitution with major in amendment. That therefore they prefer the one term seven year presidency but they called for the direct electional president. The selection of price. Cities protest quite severe. Starting from April 1987, Korean policies became extremely volatile. Because student protest was quite formidable. Every universities were organizing student protest, it was a national coalition among college students and workers. And even citizens would join in the student effort in protesting the government. But on the other hand, hardliners in the ruling coalition wanted to go for perturbation, wanted to go for constitutional amendment to allow in the election of Chun Doo-hwan as a president. A ruling coalition was divided between hardliners and softliners. Softliners who pushed for the idea of accommodating citizen demands. But after quite some time of internal debate, along with major student demonstrations on June 10, 1987. Finally Chun Doo-hwan and his lowly coalition come up with a compromise. The compromise was expressed to the June 29th declaration. As you see, you can see the Is teaching material that June 29's declaration is comprised of eight points. First point is amend the constitution to provide direct election of the president. And revise the presidential election to ensure foreign candidate and genuinely competitive elections, and grant amnesty to political prisoners including the famous Kim Dae-Jung. And also declaration assured that the protection of human rights and extended right Of habeas corpus and publish Basic Press Law which become the major source of the oppression against freedom of press. And restore the freedom of press. And strengthen local and educational economy and move the political climate towards dialogue and compromise and finally achieve substantial social reform. But this June 29th's declaration. It's kind of can be seen kind of make mice point for changing Korean politics from authoritarian rule to democratic opening and transition and consolidation and then in October 1987. It was a constitutional amendment. And sixth were already born. And there was election in December 1987. All class made Chun Doo-hwan in the Korean military candidate, and long term, became president of the sixth republic that was the beginning of Korean democracy. It's kind of beginning of the new odyssey for Korean democracy. Since then on even though there were ups and downs Korean democracy was moving forward. Freedom, more freedom, more equality, and more justice in Korean society.
