Now, here we have a very interesting here. Why Noh Tae Woo declared such a kind of very drastic measure and why Chun Doo-Hwan approved it. And also interesting, Incumbent President Chun Doo Hwan could have come a way that kind of declaration by his successor and of course at a time he was representing the ruling party. Therefore Noh Tae Woo may well have the kind of the right to come up with that kind of declaration, but still there is a puzzle. Why Noh Tae Woo? Why not Chun Doo-Hwan? Then also, why did they come up with that kind of compromise measure? Then here, now going back early analytical concept, we can look at these three important variables and then how they'll affect Chun Doo-Hwan decision to make a compromise. You're one most important necessary condition was structure change. Not all politics is why, it's all about politics is all about rewarding the friendly, the neutral, and punishing the hostile. That is principle one of parties, but Chun Doo-Hwan didn't abide by that rule. He didn't reward a friendly. Now, go back to Park Chung-Hee period. Pak Chung-Hee period was buttressed by the two pillars of the support groups. One was a big business, chaebol, and another one was farmer, okay, by pursuing happy camp industrialization. Park Chung-Hee extends benefit for the chaebols and was Park Chung-hee push the new movement through which he was able to co-opt farmers and the rural sector, okay? Therefore, Park Chung's developmental coalition was composed of big business and The rural sector, okay? And plus he has the repressive security apparatus in a mechanisms such as Korean Central Intelligence Agency and the police. But when Chun Doo-Hwan seized political power in 1980, what he did was he began to distance himself from Park Chung-Hee's developmental coalition, okay? For example, he dissolved the chaebol, he was trying to dissolve the chaebol group by undertaking structural adjustment of the Korean economy and also, he was giving hard time to the farmers too, okay? He, because at the time, it was later on, 1979-1980, south korea went through a very serious economic crisis. And the Chun Doo-Hwan government in 1980 and 1981 sought standby loan for international military fund. When international military fund lend the money to Chun Doo-hwan regime, and it came up with quite stringent conditionalities. It is usually called the IMF conditionalities and such conditionalities usually require austere fiscal policy, a tight money type policy. Devaluation of currency and wage control, and at the same time, rationalization of industry sector. Of trade and investment regime, an introduction of fair trade law and any end time monopoly in a law, okay? And privatization of state enterprises that Chun Doo-Hwan methodologically follow IMF conditionalities and reach towards what? He literally alienated the Chaebol and the rural sector Therefore, he didn't have any explicit base other than the military and the. Had just naked power. But on the contrary, by contrast, the popular sector was getting strengthened and power, students, labor, and dissident intellectuals formed a horizontal coalition against the Chun Doo-Hwan regime, okay. They were unified in ideological stance, organizationally they were very strong and they had enormous mobilization capacity of the people. In other words, all those horizon, the collision is called the movement circle. In Korean words, it is called the Undonggwon. Therefore, Undonggwon was activated. Now those college students who participated in these kinds Undonggwon movement and movement circle and activities in 1980s, they are usually called the 삼팔육. 삼 means three okay, and 팔 means those who entered the college in 1980s, okay?. And six means those who were born in the 1960s and they were the so called leaders 삼팔육 leaders. Now they become so called important political leaders of both ruling and opposition party, in contemporary say. As I pointed out, Chun Doo-Hwan pursues, neo-liberal reforms and victimized chaebois and rural sector and exclude the public sector. The Chun became a naked power without any underlying support group. It's a really paradox of Chun rule Okay. And also culture shift to place too. Traditional culture or the modern culture conforming to authority, authoritarian values. Factionalism, stability, orientation. All these things begin to Disappear and there was an early shift to post-modern culture paradigm. People did originally very simple, basic human needs. In Korea were poor. Korea was poor, but by 1980s Korea has become kind of middle income country. Therefore, Basic human needs was satisfied and to follow in a Maslow's hierarchy of needs and looking into self-actualization variables, okay. Therefore, they're really pushing far, pushing for the noble and a values in society And there was a wide spread of each location, mass communication. [INAUDIBLE] citizens began to have a different conception of politics and political culture. Therefore, labour activity they were called the labour activities, that means those protesters are now calling for the guarantee Three labor right. Collecting, bargaining, okay, collecting action, and etc., okay? And, more than that, in 1980s, in the past, between the period, gross justified Okay? Authoritarian rule. And national security agenda became important tools for which was suppressed the popular demand of participation, distribution, and welfare. But that particular manipulation Did not work, okay. And despite growth mandate, despite national security mandate, cities began to amend greater participation, greater distribution and more welfare, okay. Another very ironical aspect of Chun Doo Hwan period is the repercussion of harsh repression, Chun Doo Hwan a deeper question of harsh repression, okay? Regime really repressed citizen groups and student groups. The harder the government repression, the more resilient they have become. And what they call the uisikhwa, sharing and strengthening of radical ideology and consciousness has become much more salient and pronounced among students and workers. Therefore, in other words, The more systematic, and more organized the citizen protests against government. That is one of the paradoxical outcome government. And it is in this setting, that compromise option. But that is very interesting, when there were the huge cities in protest, and student protest, The ruling elite would, ruling divided, hard liners and soft liners. Okay? Ironically, the military become of soft lines while the ruling party, Democratic Justice Party, become hard lines. Therefore, in example, in April 1987 The ruling party was asking President Jung Hwan to declare martial law and mobilize military to suppress the citizen protest, and in a time, the police were saying that is impossible. Because the number of protesters are huge the police really cannot handle them. Therefore, police ask the government to deploy the military to deal with this civilian protest, but then National Defense security Command, that was most powerful instruments suppressible by Chun Doo-Hwan. The Commend was Go Myung Seung, General Go Myung Seung He made a proposal to president Chun Doo-Hwan. If there is declaration of martial law And deployment of, you know, soldiers. Coanda soldiers into Seoul city, streets of Seoul city. And Seoul city will be blood shocked, And military should no longer get a such a kind of defense. By making intervention in political office. And he strongly opposed, and surprisingly accepted his recommendation. And according to Chun Doo-hwan’s memoir which is coming out very soon. But She argues that the June 29th declaration was his creation. So he simply let the read the declaration. But anyhow, Chun Doo-hwan was winning too. He had the military security apparatus. However, he Chose the path to compromise. The reason how South Korea could achieve democratic transition in 1987, peacefully. It is very remarkable argument, it has a very important implication for other countries, okay. It was the right leader, it was the right choice. And it could be peaceful transition to democracy.
